Cyprus Mail
CM Regular ColumnistOpinion

The pitfalls of a ‘loose’ federation

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Education is the perfect example of a sector that should fall under a central government

I consider it necessary, by way of introduction, to explain the important difference that exists between the so-called loose federation and confederation. It is disheartening to hear, even from veteran politicians, that the difference between the two is difficult to discern when in reality it is obviously discernible. It is a confused understanding that makes a solution of the Cyprus problem even more difficult. Confederation is the union of two or more sovereign states, each one having a seat at the United Nations, for the pursuit of common objectives such as, for example, defence. To be precise, regardless of whether we speak about a confederation or two states, as a settlement it is one and the same thing.

To understand what ‘loose federation’ means, it is necessary, first to analyse what exactly is federation. This could be defined as the union of at least two independent and autonomous units (referred to as zones, polities, cantons etc) so they constitute a single state entity with a single international personality, one citizenship and a common constitution and law. Federation has as its aim the balancing of political union with the promotion of autonomy and diversity. In short, federation – which those that want a single, unified state would perceive as partition – promotes unity through diversity (See ‘Federalism and Democracy Reconsidered,’ D Chrysochoou, p1-20).

In the so-called Christofias-Talat convergences of a decade ago the federal central government would have 27 specific authorities, while the residual power would go to the two constituent states. In 2018, President Anastasiades, surprising everyone, proposed the decentralisation of the authorities and christened this a ‘loose federation’. He explained that this was necessary so that a prospective settlement agreement would be workable and viable and answer the concerns arising from the Turkish Cypriot side’s demand for a single positive vote on all decisions. How many and which authorities Anastasiades proposes to transfer from the federal government to the two constituent states, in the framework of a bicommunal, bizonal federation, has not been clarified. This raises the question: below what number must the authorities fall for the new arrangement to qualify as a ‘loose federation’? I do not think there is an answer to this question as subjectivity creeps in. Consequently, the answer to when a federation is considered loose cannot but be arbitrary.

My disagreement with the so-called ‘loose federation’, that I believe echoes the views of many, is that the Turkish Cypriot constituent state would move even closer to Turkey. If the Turkish Cypriots constituent state does not work with us, for example in exploration and exploitation of natural resources, in the fight against terror, drugs, human trafficking, in social matters and workers’ rights etc, then it is certain it would look to Turkey for cooperation. The voices for a velvet divorce would then intensify, for rational and not nationalist reasons, and it would be difficult for international opinion to disagree. In short, the risk of secession by one of the two statelets from the federal structure would increase, bringing Turkey closer to achieving the objective of a two-state solution.

What is extremely disappointing is the non-inclusion of education in the authorities of the central government. It is inconceivable for the federal central government not to have a say on this essential sector. To be clearer, at least on the subject of history taught in secondary schools, the central government must have a say. This school subject was always a means to ideological inculcation. I believe the time has come for us to ask again: ‘What kind of Cypriot do we want to shape through the teaching of history?’ A Greek Cypriot that believes his Turkish Cypriot compatriots are his perennial enemies? A Turkish Cypriot that considers Greek Cypriots criminal cheats with an inexhaustible hatred for him? If this is the kind of Cypriot we want to produce, perpetuating the hatred and hostility between the two communities, we should not include education in the authorities of the central government, but then the federal Cyprus Republic would have an expiry date.

If, however, our aim is for education to bring the two communities closer together, then the existence of a federal education ministry would be a necessity. History books and the different sources that would complement them must be common and not different. The Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot students should not read only about the brutalities committed by the other community, but about those committed by both communities. “A person who subjects… the history of his reality to the rigours of reason,” as the historian Thanos Veremis says. Such a person can understand what is happening in the world, and above all can make an appraisal.

I would also have expected the central government in a loose federation to set up even a small number of bicommunal schools or subsidise bicommunal schools such as The English School. It would be a substantive measure for rapprochement as it would contribute to terminating the close embrace between the Turkish Cypriots and Turkey. For many Turkish Cypriots this might be necessary but is not desirable.

 

George Koumoullis is an economist and social scientist

 

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