By Leontios Ierodiakonou
Last week’s article ended on a pessimistic note, about six decades having passed since the first hostilities began.
Many things have changed – the displacement of a large portion of the population, the deaths in the various conflicts (and especially during the invasion), the many missing persons, the alteration of the population, the Islamisation of both the environment and the culture in the occupied territories. All these changes have created not only new wounds but also, at first sight, new difficulties in the smooth functioning of a bicommunal political system.
However, thought and life should not stop here. We must look to the future. We must not remain passive in a fatalistic view of reality. Returning to the possibility of a solution, some conditions are probably more favourable now for a settlement to work than in the 1960s.
Without ignoring the enormous difficulties created by the fait accompli of the last 50 years, below are some changes considered to play a positive role in the possible operation of a new constitution if a settlement is found.
Today, the main cause of the nationalist rivalry between the two communities since the 1950s (i.e. the pursuit of enosis) no longer exists. It was buried in the ruins of the invasion.
Since 1974, there has been an illegal, partitionist regime under Ankara’s military control. In the event of a federal settlement, the Turkish Cypriots would have to begin to disengage from Turkey. Surely the Greek Cypriots will continue to be Greek and the Turkish Cypriots Turkish. But with the operation of a new constitution, under the umbrella of the EU, the nationalist antagonism will begin to recede. The traumatic experiences of the past will naturally contribute to this. It is inevitable that both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots have learned from their mistakes.
Also, another important change will be the federal system itself. It will significantly reduce the powers of the central federal government. A number of powers will be transferred to the constituent states. In addition, some of the powers that will belong to the central federal government will be regulated in Brussels. In this way, the causes (or occasions) for intercommunal friction will be greatly reduced.
Another important development which has already largely taken place is that, since the death of Makarios, the introduction of the proportional electoral system by the Greek Cypriot community (since the parliamentary elections of 1981) has brought about many political, ideological, economic, class and social divisions. It broke up the one-sided and one-dimensional leadership. It has facilitated the complete, or almost complete, disconnection of parties from central power.
Today, there are seven parties in parliament. Some may be in partnership with the central authority. Usually, the majority is in opposition. In addition to the parliamentary parties, there are a number of other organised interests, movements and ideologies, thus further extending pluralism.
The introduction of the proportional electoral system in the Turkish Cypriot community also brought about similar social, political, class and ideological divisions. It should not be lost on us that, in the post-Denktash era, Turkish Cypriots have produced leaders such as Mehmet Ali Talat and Mustafa Akinci.
But apart from the federal system, pluralism and the reduction of nationalist antagonisms, the most important factor to contribute to the smooth functioning of a new constitutional system is the inclusion of the whole of Cyprus in the EU. In the event of a solution, there will be the protective umbrella of the EU. It would be inconceivable that possible constitutional frictions would go to extremes and deadlocks and conflicts, as happened in the past.
Here, Brussels has shown that it can effectively intervene even in national legislation when a group or groups of citizens of a member-state believe that there is a possibility some national law would violate, or even restrict, human rights.
In addition, the culture of problem-solving through consultation and compromise that has so successfully developed and prevailed within the political environment of the EU would help to develop consensual political thinking in Cyprus as well. The political climate prevailing within the EU would also encourage the various organised groups to develop inter-community cooperation. In case of deadlock, being in the EU, we would be obliged to negotiate until we break it.
Leontios Ierodiakonou, is a former Disy deputy and also served as minister of communications and works in the Clerides government. He is the author of several books, the latest being Fatal Leadership (1948-2021): Makarios and his Continuers
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